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Jock recruits his family and begins a campaign to take the presidency from Tony. An unlikely hitman tries to kill Jock…over and over again.

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TRANSCRIPT

[voice over]: Campside Media.

Nicolo Majnoni: If you wanted to make an announcement in Washington D.C. In 1969 and you wanted to make it bold, something the press would pay attention to, you did it at the Mayflower Hotel. Stuffy chic, peppered with chandeliers and floral moldings. Basically, imagine the kind of hotel your grandparents would think is classy. And so Jock Yablonski sat in the Pan-American Room at the Mayflower Hotel on May 29th, waiting for the media to arrive. Today, Jock would announce that he was challenging Tony Boyle for the presidency of the United Mine Workers. Ralph Nader, the celebrity consumer advocate, had invited his many press contacts, but refused to say what the press conference was about. That seemed to be top secret. Not a single person knew what was about to happen.

Chip Yablonski: We weren’t certain whether or not the word would leak out and that there might be an effort on the part of the mine workers to try to crash it.

Nicolo Majnoni: Chip Yablonski, Jock’s son, a high school football player turned lawyer, was there that day.

Chip Yablonski: My cousin Steven and I were dressed in suits, at the door, looking for press credentials to admit people.

Nicolo Majnoni: As 11 a.m. neared, a parade of journalists made their way in. NBC, ABC, The New York Times, The Washington Post, all the big outlets, all curious as hell. As they walked in, each reporter was stopped at the door by one of the two Yablonski boys, pretending to be bouncers. Ralph Nader stood quietly in the back. He was just there to show that Jock had his all-powerful seal of approval. The room neared capacity. There was a palpable buzz in the crowd as Jock walked in and sat in front of a U-shaped table, microphones from every broadcaster before him. No sign of nerves, Jock began to speak. Chip recited Jock’s speech for me.

Chip Yablonski: Today I am announcing my candidacy for the presidency of the United Mine Workers of America. I do so out of a deep awareness of the insufferable gap between the union leadership and the working miners.

Nicolo Majnoni: Jock outlined his platform. It was all about health and safety, financial reform. And finally, he vowed to return democracy to the union, to turn over the power to the rank and file. Jock finished the announcement, put his paper down, and looked up. Reporters stared back, shocked. No one had contested the mine worker’s presidency in almost half a century. If Jock had been feuding with Tony Boyle, that feud was private. And reporters were also skeptical. For three decades, Jock stood by Tony and his predecessor. So perhaps the question was inevitable. Hands shot up, and a reporter from the Washington Post asked—He quoted some Scott poet.

Chip Yablonski: Why have you been silent for so long?

Nicolo Majnoni: The room got still, reporters studying this rugged miner’s face, and out of Jock’s mouth came poetry, literal poetry.

Chip Yablonski: He quoted some Scott poet. When ye be an anvil, lie ye very still. When you be a hammer, strike with all thy will.

Nicolo Majnoni: An anvil is what a blacksmith lays a piece of steel on, to be able to pound it into shape. But now, no longer able to tolerate the decline of this union, Jock would become a hammer, shaping a union future without corruption.

Chip Yablonski: That was sort of erudite and sophisticated and gave him a level of respect from the press in attendance that like, well this guy’s not exactly a country bumpkin.

Nicolo Majnoni: However he got the line, it did the trick. The reporters streamed out of the Mayflower and the headlines started to appear.

[news clip]: There has been a revolt within the miners union. The leader of the revolt, Joseph Yablonski, is challenging union president Tony Boyle in a coming election.

Nicolo Majnoni: The revolution had begun. And in true 60s fashion, it had begun on television for everyone to see. But the United Mine Workers leadership, who Jock had just put on notice, preferred to answer its most serious challenges in the shadows, something everyone involved in this drama would soon find out. From Crooked Media and Campside Media, this is Shadow Kingdom, Coal Survivor.  Episode 3: Strike with All Thy Will. I’m your host, Nicolo Majnoni. [music plays]

[overlapping voices]: Boyle is buying television time billboards and enjoys the powerful machinery of the Union. / Holy Joe Yablonski, this uni-opportunist crazed by dreams of power. / When he got karate chopped in a meeting that was a setup, it was like, oh, this is really pretty bad. /I will not stand still to see him besmirked by the likes of a Yablonski. / Have a look through these ugly charges. The membership of our union want this organization to lift up its membership ahead of everything else. The hell with the officers.

Nicolo Majnoni: Jock’s surgeon campaign hit like a shockwave across the country. The events of the previous year, the Farmington explosion and Ralph Nader’s crusade against the union leadership, these things had made America sympathetic to coal miners. So now, Jock’s face was splashed across newspapers and into millions of TV screens on the evening news. A few days after announcing his candidacy, he appeared on Pittsburgh radio, KDKA, during 6 to 8 evening drive. Primetime.

[news clip]: Do you know what Tony Boyle thinks about the fact that you are running on this safety and health campaign?

[clip of Jock Yablonski]: He has not yet made a public statement, so I have no way of knowing what he thinks.

Nicolo Majnoni: The first reporter to reach Tony Boyle’s team was from Newsweek. The reporter was told, no comment. But that was the no comment before the storm. That was before Jock started making pointed, public, specific accusations. Saying out loud the things the union had only ever discussed behind closed doors and knowing handshakes. Jock did not mince words. Here he is speaking to a reporter about Tony’s lax mine safety record.

[clip of Jock Yablonski]: It’s ridiculous with all of the technical knowledge that exists that we should still be killing so many of our good men.

Nicolo Majnoni: He was questioning the whole Tony Boyle apparatus. And he just didn’t question Tony. Remember what had happened to the people at the convention who asked questions? Tony got his cronies and loyal-to-Boyle hard hats to savagely beat people up. Tony was temperamentally unprepared for a public rebellion. So, shortly after Jock’s press conference, Tony came out swinging. He gave Jock a pithy new nickname.

[clip of Tony Boyle]: Holy Joe Yablonski, this puny opportunist crazed by dreams of power.

Nicolo Majnoni: Holy Joe Yablonski. While Jock sketched a vision for the future, Tony admonished miners saying that they ought to cling to their glorious past. That any attack on the union was an attack on their beloved former president, Jock and Tony’s old boss, John L. Lewis.

[clip of Tony Boyle]: Every time Yablonski smears the retirement fund, he smears John L. Lewis, not Tony Boyle. And because I will not stand still to see him be smirked by the likes of a Yablonski, I will answer these ugly charges.

Nicolo Majnoni: Notice him leaning on Jock’s last name there.

[clip of Tony Boyle]: By the likes of Yablonski—

Nicolo Majnoni: A dog whistle reminder. Yablonski is a foreign name. Polish. But holy Joe Yablonski didn’t back down. He pointed out publicly that Tony had earmarked himself a secret pension that would pay him 20 times what the miners would receive. Not a good look, and Tony seemed to know it. So shortly after that, less than a month into the campaign, Tony manipulated a board of trustees vote, a move that allowed him to effectively take full control of the union’s massive pension fund.

[clip of Tony Boyle]: And in less than 24 hours, I had representatives of the fund in my office, and that’s when pensions were increased from $115 to $150. [applause]

Nicolo Majnoni: He raised pensions by 30% instantly, which the union definitely could not afford. But that was a problem for later. In that moment, Tony knew the pensioners were a huge voting block. And now he had them eating out of his hand. And that’s the thing about the fight between Jock and Tony. Tony owns the playing field of this election, and he was happy to tip it in his favor. Sure, Jock was getting the headlines in the New York Times, but that’s not what miners read. A lot of them only read the United Mine Workers Journal, the union paper delivered to every hollow in Appalachia, that journal that Ralph Nader read at the DC Press Club. And who controlled the miners’ journal in its entirety? Tony Boyle. The UMW Journal became a loyal-to-Boyle journal now, filled with articles about Tony’s great leadership and smearing the campaign of that Polish hypocrite, Jock Yablonski. And keep in mind, while Jock had to finance his insurgency with his personal life savings, Tony, he could draw from the union’s $300 million bank account for his campaign.

[news clip]: Boyle is buying television time, billboards, and enjoys the powerful machinery of the union in this campaign. He also has 80,000 voting pensioners who probably see Boyle as the man who signs their pension checks. Yablonski can only hope the sentiment for reform will outweigh all this.

Chip Yablonski: We knew that that there was going to be one hellacious figh

Nicolo Majnoni: And not just a fight to win this thing. First, they had to fight just to get on the ballot at all. Tony had changed the election rules. They used to require just five nominations to get onto the ballot. He changed that to 50. To get to 50, he’d have to fight creatively. And the thing is, this fight was happening at a specific point in time, 1969. The end of a decade filled with protest marches, sit-ins, information warfare, anything goes guerrilla tactics. Tony, he didn’t grasp any of that. He fought like autocracies were still invincible. Like the British Empire and its soldiers lined up in their neat little rows with the rules of war, unprepared for the American rebels that were coming at them from the trees. Tony was unprepared for an actual election. He’d never run in one before. He was appointed by fiat. So he probably thought he could just change the nomination rules, and that would kill Jock’s chances. But Jock gassed up his old Ford and set out on the campaign trail with his ragtag campaign team. His son, Chip, at headquarters, Margaret, his wife, who wrote the campaign literature, daughter, Charlotte, liaising with miners on the ground. It was a family campaign. And so Jock began traveling across the coalfields, making his case. He waded into bath houses, which is where the miners clean up after shifts. He met with miners in their homes, in coffee shops, in local high schools, flexing his primary advantage. He liked people. He was good with them. Tony, not so much.

[news clip]: For years, Boyle has never been any closer to miners than the stage at union rallies. Iblonsky’s challenge has forced Boyle to do some personal politics. It has not been easy for him. Sometimes he’s been heckled, other times ignored.

Nicolo Majnoni: When they first started out, Chip was like 50 nominations. That doesn’t seem all that high.

Chip Yablonski: I thought. Oh, well, we can get 50 easily. I mean, hell, there are more than 50 locals in District 5, where Jock is very well known. But my dad kept saying, you don’t understand. These local union people are frightened of the district. They’ll try every trick.

Nicolo Majnoni: Jock reminded Chip that Tony Boyle had taken over the majority of the union districts, handpicking their leaders, controlling all of their money. So if a local went for Jock, those guys, they stood to lose everything. So Jock, having really nothing to lose at this point, did what union leaders had never really done before. He was direct with the miners.

[clip of Jock Yablonski]: Now, I can understand a lot of these folks not being for me. Well, they’re being told that they’re going to get fired and, you know, their jobs are at stake. This is what they’re been told.

Nicolo Majnoni: He said, remember the fight for black lung laws? Remember how when tens of thousands of you went on strike in defiance of Tony, we’d won? We got life-saving black lung laws? Remember how I stood with you in that fight? And remember how Tony opposed you? If we stand together, we can beat Tony. Slowly, signs of support started popping up. Letters showed up at Jock’s house with $1, $10. Some miners started self-organizing on his behalf. A group of them in West Virginia started an informal campaign outpost at a coffee shop near their mine. Chip remembers this.

Chip Yablonski: We began to develop a sort of skeleton operation of trusted people in different places.

Nicolo Majnoni: The leader of the Black Lung Reform Movement in West Virginia gathered local unions from his state.

Arnold Miller: We talked to Yablonski for two hours and of the nine locals represented there, he got nine local nominations.

Nicolo Majnoni: Nine nominations down, 41 to go. Jock met with men of District 29.

[clip of Miner]: And he said that he had decided to run and would we back him and we told him we definitely would.

Nicolo Majnoni:  Support even trickled in from what they thought were Tony Boyle’s strongholds like Kentucky, home of the infamous Harlan County.

Chip Yablonski: We got maybe six or eight nominations out of Western Kentucky that we never dreamed of.

Nicolo Majnoni: It was happening. More nominations were pouring in in defiance of Tony. Until word reached the insurgent candidate.

[news clip]: Yablonski apparently has enough support to force the union hierarchy to certify him as a candidate.

Nicolo Majnoni: It was official, in the brutal August heat, four days before the Woodstock Music Festival of 1969, Jock had captured the right to challenge Tony. The election was just four months away in December, the last month of the 1960s. Tony was getting nervous. He stripped Jock of his remaining union positions at a board meeting, where his cronies threatened to fight Jock like they did down in Harlan County. He made hundreds of vinyl records of speeches where Jock had praised Tony in the past and mailed them to the miners. Jock could feel the threat. He understood that Tony, always paranoid, was increasingly unhinged. But he kept making his way out to the miners. Sometime that summer, he landed in Illinois. He’d been promised a big crowd, but weirdly, only 15 people showed up. The vibe in the room felt hard to pin it down, but just off. But he delivered his usual speech anyway.

[clip of Jock Yablonski]: Now you know and I know, too many guys, given lousy jobs, stuck in dog holes, pushed around by management.

Nicolo Majnoni: As the meeting broke up, Jock walked over to a miner to chat. He was talking and leaning against a table when someone tugged at his sleeve. Jock turned around, felt a powerful blow to the back of the head, and then everything went dark. Jock fell to the ground, unconscious. He’d lie on the ground for 30 minutes, completely out. Doctors would later assess that Jock would have been paralyzed if he’d been hit just a few inches either way. When Jock came to, he staggered to a chair. The remaining miners claimed they just didn’t recognize the assailant. They encouraged him to leave town quickly and said reporting this to the police might not be a good idea. In many ways, Jock had been expecting something like this. He’d been trying to tell people, but they dismissed his fears. Even for his son Chip, who knew how dirty the other side was fighting, this was a wake-up call.

Chip Yablonski: And if I thought he was being melodramatic, when he got karate chopped in a meeting that was a setup, at that point in time it was like, oh, this is really pretty bad.

Nicolo Majnoni: And it kept getting worse. A couple of men broke into his campaign office late at night, throwing open doors and searching for Jock. Fortunately, he wasn’t there. At one campaign stop, Jock’s staff found dead leaves stuffed into the gas tank of the propeller plane Jock had been using. A week after that, someone broke into a key supporter’s house. They rifled through his bedroom and slashed his wife’s clothing with a spear. Jock’s wife, Margaret, suspected they’d had break-ins, too. She could swear food had been moved in her pantry. Jock asked the Department of Labor for protection on investigation. They were the ones in charge of union elections. They said, we only investigate after the election. Call us when it’s over. Then Ralph Nader seemed to all but disappear shortly after the announcement. They’d called the Nader people and the response time got slower and slower ’til nothing. Ralph Nader said, well, that’s how he works.

Ralph Nader: We just launched, we can’t stay with these people, otherwise we would reduce the number of issues that we would be advancing. I was absorbed in all kinds of other things.

Nicolo Majnoni: So Jock’s celebrity backer was gone, along with the protective spotlight he brought. The federal government was gone. Jock was on his own. Jock bought himself a gun, several guns, even though he hated guns, ever since childhood, when a friend of his was shot. He asked his nephew, a former Marine, to be his bodyguard. This nephew started coming with him everywhere. They had people on the ground to meet and escort them wherever they went. Jock didn’t want to be paranoid, but he felt like he had eyes on him everywhere. At home, at his campaign office, at is rallies. And he wasn’t wrong, because standing in those crowds among his supporters was a killer. The man from episode one who’d been sent to murder Jock Yablonski, Paul Gilly. He’d been stalking Jock for months all over the campaign trail, even at home. Remember, Paul showed up at Jock’s house. Jock was nearly shot through his living room window, but the hitman left when he heard Jock’s wife. While Jock had been building his campaign, Paul Gilly was building his own. It was a campaign to stop Jock’s revolution, to stop Jock Yablonski. If you needed an assassin and you had any other option, you probably wouldn’t choose Paul Gilly. And Paul Gilly would agree with you.

Paul Gilly: Be cause I’ve never dealt in any criminal activity in my life. Now you can believe that or not, but that’s where it stands. I have no records, never been accused of nothing like that.

Nicolo Majnoni: But Paul Gilly’s father-in-law would not leave him alone. He pestered Paul. He begged. At one point, he even asked politely.

Paul Gilly: He said, sure, sure help out if we get, get rid of him.

Nicolo Majnoni: Him. Jock Yablonski, a man Paul had never heard of before this. And Paul, he was just a house painter, a restaurant owner in Cleveland. But the thing is that Paul’s father and his father-in-law, they were old miners, old union men. And his father in law, Silas, kept saying that Jock was trying to ruin the UMW. That was blasphemy in coal country. Silas couldn’t say exactly where this order came from, but he kept pestering Paul.

Paul Gilly: He keeps asking me, why didn’t I do it? I said, no, I’ve not killed nobody.

Nicolo Majnoni: Paul said. Why don’t you ask your own sons? I don’t trust them, replied his father-in-law. It went on like this for a while. Even Paul’s wife, Lucy, chimed in. Her dad had been diagnosed with black lung. She pleaded, do it for my sick old dad. She threatened that if Paul didn’t do it, she would.

Paul Gilly: Only reason I went into that was to keep her out of it. But she’s the type of person you can’t keep out of nothing.

Nicolo Majnoni: He told his wife, just as he told his father-in-law, no way. So she said, fine, I’ll find someone else to do it.

Paul Gilly: So she started talking to these other guys.

Nicolo Majnoni: Guys who said yes. A couple of guys who were willing, who had guns. Guys who had everything but a car. This didn’t bother Paul’s wife.

Paul Gilly: And she said, well. If you won’t take them, I’ll take them.

Nicolo Majnoni: She told Paul, she’ll drive them herself. But Paul wasn’t gonna let his wife drive a couple of crazed killers with guns. So he conceded. Paul told her. No. He’ll drive the guys himself. It was supposed to be just one trip. And Paul was just supposed to the wheels of this. It was a flimsy operation from the start. The men his wife had recruited were drunks and outlaws. The only photo they had of Jock was a grainy image on newsprint.

Paul Gilly: The picture I had was kind of fuzzy, like it wasn’t a real clear picture. It was in a newspaper, you know, a little cheap paper.

Nicolo Majnoni: The first time they tried to kill Jock, they drove to DC to a restaurant where Jock often ate, but Jock wasn’t there. And he wasn’t in the campaign offices the night they barged in looking for him. He wasn’t home the day they drove to Clarksville, Pennsylvania to Jock’s home and broke in.

Paul Gilly: We, we been in the house once before, looking for the Mr. Yablonski and tried to catch him by himself.

Nicolo Majnoni: It wasn’t until November that Paul and his cohorts first laid eyes on Jock at a campaign rally. Jock was crisscrossing Appalachia and the hitmen had finally tracked him down to Pineville, a town nestled in the southern mountains of West Virginia. Paul stood at the back of the rally, listening to Jock.

[clip of Jock Yablonski]: Standing on this platform—

Nicolo Majnoni: who was flanked on stage by a congressman and black lung activists. It was a sunny but chilly November day. People in the crowd sprawled on the grass, sipping whiskey as they listened.

[clip of Jock Yablonski]: The membership of our union want this organization to lift up its membership ahead of everything else. The hell with the officers. [applause]

Nicolo Majnoni: And when Jock finished his speech and got in a car, surrounded by his bodyguards and a state senator, Paul and his men followed close behind, guns at the ready, looking for a good shot.

Paul Gilly: But they had just too much traffic at the time when he drive by and besides he had all them people in there with him.

Nicolo Majnoni: Another useless trip, except for one thing.

Paul Gilly: At least I got to see him and the guys with me got to see him know who he is and what he looks like.

Nicolo Majnoni: They were ready now. They knew what he looked like. They’d studied his patterns. They knew how he usually drove in and out of the small town of Clarksville. They’d been in the house. But then, shortly after the rally, Paul Gilly got a phone call. His father-in-law said the murder was off, too risky. The campaign was too widely publicized. If one of the candidates was found murdered, that would be too suspicious. Stand down, Paul was told. And a few months earlier, Paul would have felt nothing but relief at this order. In fact, he would have given anything for a way out. But not now. Because as he’d been hunting Jock, people had promised Paul a lot of things. So much so that the rational part of his brain seemed to turn off. His father-in-law promised to get Paul’s real dad a big union pension. His wife promised to pay more attention to him. Their marriage had been on the rocks. And, he was promised money, a lot of money. He’d even been given an advance from Silas’s local union district.

Paul Gilly: My father-in-law was president of District 19 there in Kentucky, and the money was collected through District 19.

Nicolo Majnoni: District 19. Nestled there in Harlan County. Remember that? The rough corner of the Union.

[voice over]: I got a request here from your president, he asked me for a song called Harlan County Boys, but I sing it.

Nicolo Majnoni: Silas lived there. And remember Tony’s convention where the men in the white hats beat people up? [music voice over] Silas was one of those men throwing the punches. Silas wasn’t quite the president of Harlan, but he was a go-to enforcer in one of the most violent corners of the union.

Paul Gilly: Her dad was mixed up into a lot of stuff over the years, illegal stuff, you know, like blowing up mine machinery, stuff like that.

Nicolo Majnoni: So when Paul Gilly got word that the murder was off, that he should stand down, his reluctance had disappeared, replaced now by desperation to please his wife and replaced by terror because he’d already spent their money and he knew their secrets. Right now, Paul’s thinking, are they coming for me next? So Paul Gilly did not stand down. Paul Gilly went rogue. It was now Thanksgiving of 1969. The election was just two weeks away. Paul jumped in his car with his accomplice, a man named Claude Vealey, and sped from Cleveland to Clarksville. When they arrived, Jock was the only car in the driveway. At last, they’d found him alone. Paul walked to the door and knocked. Jock answered. Paul looked at Jock, his linebacker’s neck, his bushy eyebrows. His imposing presence. Paul was nervous, stuttering as he recited his lines.

Paul Gilly: We’re from Tennessee, and we were told that you knew a lot of mine operators and uh, might be an opening where, get a decent job in the mines.

Nicolo Majnoni: Paul tried not to glance down the porch at Claude Vealey, as he silently hoped Claude would act. The agreement was always, Claude Vealey does the dirty work, Paul would just drive.

Paul Gilly: I thought Vealey would go ahead and rush in the door or something because there’s nobody there but him and Vealey didn’t do a damn thing.

Nicolo Majnoni: Jock stared at Paul and kept glancing at his hands. Paul mumbled something, stalling for time. He didn’t like how Jock was staring. His mouth was dry, his knees began to shake. He kept glancing at Claude Vealey thinking, why doesn’t he shoot the gun? Paul had a gun in his pocket too. But there, looking into the eyes of the man who’d just been a face circled in a newspaper until now, Paul froze. He left the gun in his pocket. The conversation fizzled.

Paul Gilly: So run out of something to talk about. And it looks suspicious, to tell you the truth about it, because it was that awkward. But I guess Yablonski didn’t pay that much mind to it. I don’t know.

Nicolo Majnoni: So Paul and Claude, utterly defeated, drove straight to a local bar. From Jock’s point of view though, this was not over. Jock knew what these men were here for. He knew he’d just come face to face with the threat he’d flagged to Ralph Nader in those smoky first meetings when he said, they’ll kill me, Ralph. For coal miners, these two sure had some awfully clean hands. And these men claimed to be from West Virginia but had Ohio license plates. When the family returned home, Jock told them, two men were just here to kill me. By now, they knew to take him seriously, that they were on their own. And that they had to take matters into their own hands. So Jock and his other son, Ken, hopped in their car.

Chip Yablonski: My brother and a friend went into the little town of Clarksville and they found the car that Gilly and Vealey were riding around in and took down the license number.

Nicolo Majnoni: Ohio, CX-457. They phoned a police friend who lived near Cleveland. He did some digging and came back to them with a name.

Chip Yablonski: It was a car owned by Paul Gilly, painter, Cleveland.

Nicolo Majnoni: The officer gave him Paul’s address. And so imagine Jock and a friend going into his little study just off the kitchen, a room filled with campaign pamphlets and papers from 30 years in the union. They picked up the phone and they dialed the number for 1846 Penrose Street, East Cleveland. All this time, Paul Gilly had been stalking Jock. Now Jock was on his trail. Someone on the other end of the line picked up. Hello, this is Lucy Gilly. That’s Paul’s wife. Jock’s crew was one person away from proof, one phone call away from getting to Paul Gilly before Paul Gilly gets to him. Jock’s friend clears his throat. Hello, Mrs. Gilly, we need to talk. That’s next time on Shadow Kingdom. Shadow Kingdom is a production of Crooked Media and Campside Media. It’s hosted and reported by me, Nicolo Majnoni. The show is written by Joe Hawthorne, Karen Duffin and me. Joe Hawthorne is our managing producer. Karen Duffin is our story editor. The associate producers are Rachel Yang and Julie Denesha. Sound Design, mix and mastering by Erica Wong. Our theme song and original score are composed by me and Mark McAdam. Cello performed by Linnea Weiss. With additional sound design support from Mark McAdam. Studio engineering by Rachel Yang and XXX. Fact Checking by Amanda Feinman. Our executive producers are me, Nicolo Majnoni. Along with Sarah Geismer, Katie Long, Mary Nauf and Alison Falzetta from Crooked Media. Josh Dean, Adam Hoff, Matt Shaer and Vanessa Grigoriadis are the Executive producers at Campside Media.